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Beg’s Stories:A subaltern’s account of the 1971 war in East Pakistan and Thereafter
Beg’s Stories: A subaltern’s account of the 1971 war in East Pakistan and Thereafter
By
Salman Beg
Retired as a Lieutenant Colonel
Cover:
Top: 2nd Lieutenant Salar Beg, 27 August 1949 - 15 December 1971, 3rd Independent Armoured Squadron, ex-22 Cavalry (pencil portrait)
Bottom Left: Brigadier Sherullah Beg, Commander SSG April 1970 (watercolour) Bottom Right: The author as a 2nd Lieutenant with his mother Umme Alia Begum on 13 November 1971
Table of Contents
Beg’s Stories Preface and List of PMA 47 Long Course posted to East Pakistan Part 1: The 1971 War [ 20 November 1971 – 20 December 1971] 1. Story 1: Leaving home
2. Story 2: Salar Beg “Abhi Dou Gholay Hain”
3. Story 3: To the field and action
4. Story 4: Kushtia encounter battle 9 December 71
5. Story 5: Across the Hardinge Bridge
Part 2: Guest of Indira Gandhi [21 December 1971 – 22 October 1973]
7. Story 7 : Delhi, April - June 1972
8. Story 8 : Agra and Delhi, July - December 1972
9. Story 9 : Roorkee and return to Lahore, December 1972 – October 1973 10. Story
Conclusion
Photographic Memories
11. 18 Punjab Golden Jubilee
12. A1 Platoon and 47 L/C Golden Jubilee
13. PW Camp 46 Faizabad
PREFACE
The reaction to the first story on WhatsApp on 22 November 2021 which is about leaving home encouraged me to write the next one which got even more interest and the next and the next and so on almost every week literally till about the end of January 2022. Each of the first nine stories while complete also set the stage for the next one, like the episodic nature of a TV serial. The tenth story which covered my return home concluded the account.
PART ONE – THE 1971 WAR [20 NOVEMBER – 20 DECEMBER 1971] Story 1: Leaving Home
Fifty years ago, exactly to this day on 22 November 20214, like the other 27 newly commissioned officers of 47 PMA Long Course posted to East Pakistan, I was enjoying 2 weeks leave. I was at home in Gilgit with my parents Brigadier retired Sherullah Beg and Umme Alia Begum, younger siblings Shams un Nisa, Mahmud Beg and Badr un Nisa and my aunt Fatima (wife of Major Hadi Hussain then in 24 FF in East Pakistan) and her young son Inayat Hussain when a most immediate telegram c/o Field Supply Depot (FSD) was received from General Headquarters (GHQ) Rawalpindi. It was convenient for us to use the FSD address as our home was barely half a kilometer from FSD. I would like to add that my father had recently retired and was well known in Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) as its first commissioned officer and the first one from GB to become a brigadier.
The telegram ordered me to report to Headquarters Eastern Command immediately, stating that leave had been cancelled. My father had a big laugh saying what would Eastern Command do without Salman! Now when I reflect, I see how foolhardy this action was whereby raw youth without basic officer training were being inducted adding to the numbers in a lost cause. My father had as late as April 1971 visited East Pakistan as Commander Special Services Group (SSG) and had seen firsthand the obtaining conditions and the stupidity and futility of trying to control these through force. I had asked for and had been posted to 18 Punjab on a claim since my father had commanded the paltan in 1958-1959 in Landikotal and Peshawar. It was the 7/1st Punjab. My father provisioned me with field gear including a camp quilt, black on one side and white the About to take command of 7/1st Punjab (18 Punjab).
other side, which could be zipped into a sleeping bag and a folding camp cot, the like of which I have not seen again, and uniform gear bundled into a SSG issue duffel bag.
4I had initially written this as a WhatsApp story on 21 November 2021. I have retained the opening for the expanded version as it is more dramatic to say fifty!
My father saw promise in me as I was his favourite among his six children. I had a love for books and my father, who was very well read himself, starting in 1964 made it a point to gift me books very regularly. He was of the view that I should join the foreign service and become a diplomat. He was willing to send me abroad, even if it meant selling a portion of his lands in Jutial, Gilgit to make sure I was suitably educated. In case I joined the army he suggested the Engineers would make a good fit as I was a reasonably good science student. However, as it turned out I applied for while appearing in my intermediate examinations in Peshawar in 1970 and got selected for 47 PMA Long Course.
Mixed media drawing by Aleksander Yakovlev of Subedar Mohibatullah Beg Corps of Gilgit Scouts, Baltit, July 1931.
My noble and learned father, Brigadier Sherullah Beg, who had from modest
beginnings starting from Baltit (now Karimabad) Hunza where he was born in 1918, the fourth and youngest son of Subedar Mohibatullah Beg of Gilgit Scouts and Bibi Rehnuma made the most of opportunities to educate and grow by immersing fully in learning throughout his life. His breadth of intellect and humanism may well be gleaned from the fact that he could converse in ten languages including Spanish, Russian, Arabic, Farsi, English, Urdu, Punjabi, Kashmiri, Shina, Burushashki and could understand Khowar. He was supremely fit, a top-class boxer, a hockey player of note, loved rugby and was an avid marksman. The short ranges at Cherat are named after him.He advised me not to harm women, children, the infirm and the elderly. I did not get the full import of his words at that time. My brave mother, truly she was a mother to all, gave me a silver-coloured tasbih and an amulet (imam zamin) wrapped in green for protection.
The next morning, we were fully prepared for my departure, but flight conditions did not look good. My father took me to the airport and, although I did not have a seat, requested the PIA Fokker captain who had managed to fly in, despite adverse weather conditions, to take me to Rawalpindi.
My elder brother 2nd Lieutenant Salar Beg (22 Cavalry, 24 War Course) was already in East Pakistan as a troop leader in 3 Independent Armoured Squadron (IAS) since October 1971. My eldest brother Timur Beg was also posted in Dacca as senior cabin crew in Pakistan International Airline.
There was a convention then that if there were two brothers, or a father and son and both were in East Pakistan, then one of them was allowed to move out to West Pakistan.
Umme Alia Begum my indomitable, strong, loving and magnanimous mother was born in 1925 in Ganish, Hunza and died in March 2006 in Gilgit and is buried next to my father’s grave in Jutial, Gilgit.
My mother in 2005
Born in 1918 in Baltit, a ‘Hunzakutz” Brigadier Sherullah
Beg retired in May 1971 on 
He had obtained a BA degree from the University of Punjab prior to being commissioned in the British Indian Army in the Madras Infantry in May 1943. Carried out regimental, staff and instructional appointments leading to command of 18 Punjab. Served as Deputy Provost Marshal for nearly five years, then as Military Attache in Cairo from 1964 to 1966, concurrently accredited to Sudan and Lebanon.
In October 1966, promoted to Brigadier he commanded 106 Brigade. In early 1968 selected to command Special Services Group, the elite force of Pakistan Army. His range of interests extended from poetry, history and literature to research work on the people and languages of Gilgit Baltistan (GB). He served as the first Development Commissioner of GB. Besides the subcontinent, he extensively travelled in the Arab and Middle Eastern countries, as well as Western European countries.
He died peacefully in March 1979 and is buried at an elevation of over 5,000 feet overlooking the Gilgit valley.
Only an indomitable, strong-willed individual like my mother Umme Alia Begum and one who had tawakul (trust in Allah) like my father, may Allah bless their souls, could countenance that their three
13 November 1971, my mother had put on my pips. Timur Beg (December 1947 – November 2011), supremely handsome and extremely generous my eldest brother is on the right. He is also buried in Jutial.
sons (two of them in the army) serve in East Pakistan at the same time.
I must as an aside recount the standing and respect my mother had earned through the incident narrated below. Soon after taking over as the Chief Executive General Pervez Musharraf who was a captain when my father was commander SSG, on his first visit to Gilgit-Baltistan, made it a point to call on my mother in Jutial. She was fully in command, welcoming and hospitable as she had been in Cherat a mother to all the young officers and their wives. As Raashid Wali Janjua in his article “A Martyr’s Memory” published in the Daily Times writes, “It was the memory of her matriarchal command at SSG center Cherat that General Pervez Musharraf recalled with obvious relish. …... She was old and frail but her usual sprightly self when Musharraf asked her mischievously, “Apki command abhee tuk Qaim hai?”(Is your command still on?) Out came her spontaneous reply, “Tum Ko Koi Shuk hai”. (Do you have any doubts?) The Chief Executive of the country could only muster an approving smile!”
It was not just the sons. My mother’s youngest brother Major Hadi Hussain and his brother-in-law Lieutenant Zafar Jang both FF (Frontier Force) were also on the frontlines in East Pakistan.
From Ganish, Hunza Hadi Hussain
(29 L/C) on commissioning in April
1964 joined 2 FF Guides. Was
wounded in action in Rann of Kutch
in April 1965, fought in Khem
Kharan in September 1965. In 1971
served in 24 FF during the
insurgency and war in Comilla. Was
one of the last to return in May
1974.
Commanded his beloved 2 FF and 8
24 FF: Major Hadi Hussain (standing left) with the CO Lieutenant Colonel Shahpur Khan (shaheed) seated, Captain Ishaq Parvez and Subedar Major Wali Mohammad in Comilla, November 1971
NLI retiring in 1991. His son Major General Inayat Hussain (2 FF) is currently VCGS.
Zafar Jang a ‘Hunzakutz’ joined 23rd
War Course and on commissioning in April 1970 was posted to 15 FF. A year later transferred to 38 FF a new raising that was sent to EastPakistan. Incidentally 15 FF also became part of the same 107 brigade in East Pakistan. Fought in the Jessore – Khulna sector. Held in Panagarh, Bareilly and Agra camps, returned in May 1974. Rejoined 15 FF on its re-raising. Retired as a major in 1995.
Photo from the collection of Lieutenant General Hamid Rab Nawaz. Razakar Training Team November 1971. L to R. Standing: 2nd Lieutenants Zafar Jang 38 FF, Farhatullah 22 FF, Tariq Hussain 15 FF, Hamid Rab Nawaz 38 FF, Saddiq Khan 15 FF. Sitting: Captain Ahmed Saeed 22 FF, Major Nazar Hussain 21 Punjab, Lieutenant Qurban Ali Raza 22 FF
with two including Salar not having even done the basic course.
Salar had moved in July from Multan with 22 Cavalry to Hyderabad and was
expecting to do his basic course. However, vacancies for only two young
officers of 22 Cavalry for the course were received. In early September Salar
received his posting order to 3 IAS and reported to the unit which was being
raised under the Armoured Corps Centre in Nowshera.
Major Maqsood points out that one complete squadron should have been
picked from 20th Lancers (the unit holding this equipment) especially when
the squadron was required to go straight into operations. However, a
mishmash of personnel from various units was adopted.
Deficiencies in equipment were not made up with the standard response fromOrdnance Services Directorate that spare parts like fan belts, coils - in fact all
spares of tank M24 would be available in Central Ordnance Depot (COD), Dacca where five years spares had been sent. Of course, later when COD, Dacca, was contacted by 3 IAS they said all the equipment/stores/spares should have been collected from Rawalpindi.
The squadron reached Karachi on 13 October and after collecting two 3 ton trucks and entire load of first and second line tank ammunition boarded a ship which sailed out on 18 October. Salar volunteered to travel by ship and was seen off at the wharf by Michael (Omar) Yusuf6. Major Maqsood with ninety of the crew left Karachi by air on 20 October for Dacca.
Major Maqsood narrates a couple of interesting exchanges with senior officers which are indicative of the state of thinking prevalent at that time. On 21 October Major Maqsood reported to Headquarters Eastern Command and informed the General Staff Officer Grade - 1 about the arrival of the squadron “who asked me as to where we had come from and what for”. Finally, the logistics branch informed him that the squadron was placed under command 9 Division at Jessore. The road journey from Dacca to Jessore on 22 October took 14 hours.
In his first meeting with the General Officer Commanding (GOC) 9 Division a couple of days after arrival in Jessore Major Maqsood was ordered to be ready for operations in the division killing zone spread over 80 miles in Khulna, Jessore and Kushtia. Expressing his apprehensions about the vast distances involved and technical capabilities of his tanks Major Maqsood undertook to brief the GOC more comprehensively after a reconnaissance. After tanks and equipment had been offloaded at Chalna anchorage on 26 October these were brought to Jessore via Khulna by 30 October. At Khulna, Commander 314 Brigade instructed Major
6 My classmate in PAF College Peshawar, closest friend of Salar, who was a class senior to us.
Maqsood to shed one of his best tanks along with one first line and two second line lifts of ammunition. This lone tank would be mounted on a self-propelled barge to be taken through the waterways for use against the rebels. The commander was soon disabused of this notion by the Colonel Staff!
Following an extensive reconnaissance of the division operational area Major Maqsood briefed the GOC that the killing zone area was too large, dispersed and 90% of bridges would need to be strengthened. It would be preferable to use the squadron compactly with responsibility to cater for either two killing zones in the south or two in the north. Indian armour offensive to be stopped by a combination of mines and a series of anti-tank weapons and the squadron used subsequently to counterattack or better still to use the squadron against the enemy infantry and achieve optimal results. Major Maqsood also informed the GOC that Jessore being a political objective, the Indians would probably like to make a breakthrough and go for this town. At the same time the squadron commander indicated a probable area around Chuagacha where the Indian bridge head might be made. Later events proved that that Major Maqsood was correct in his appreciation.
The period from 30 October to 20 November 1971 was utilized by 3 IAS to get into shape through technical and tactical training and reconnaissance, collection of whatever stores were available and maintenance.
Salar shared a room in Jessore with 2nd Lieutenant Shafqat Mahmood (15 L, retired as a Brigadier). Brigadier Shafqat fondly remembers that after the daily training and maintenance they would race each other back to their accommodation. The wager would be that the one who got there first would play a song of his choice. Timur Beg had given Salar a Sanyo record player with two detachable speakers when Salar was leaving Karachi for Dacca. Salar would invariably win and would play his favourite songs; Salar in his letter of 19 November 1971 to Shams, the last letter that Salar wrote that reached home in Jutial, mentions that he has “about thirty small playing records and seven long playing records. One long playing record is from Film ‘Johnny Mera Naam’ which I got from Timi (Timur) Bhai.” And that they would play songs when they had free time. The free time was coming to an end very rapidly!
Major Maqsood narrates that by the end of October “things were coming to a boiling point and our forward troops were being subjected, on a daily basis, to shelling and regular Indian Army attacks up to battalion level. This continued for at least a fortnight till finally the squadron was moved, on 20th November (Eid day), and placed under command 107 Brigade, commanded by Brigadier Mohammad Hayat for a counterattack on Garibpur.”
The Indians have written extensively about this battle of 21 November. Colonel Bhaskar Sarkar has included this battle (he calls it the Battle of Bayra) as one of the 11 battles in his “Outstandi ng Victories of the Indian Army: 1947-1971”. There are several articles by other Indian Army officers; some by those who participated in the battle. Interestingly Bollywood made a movie called “Pippa” in 2022 based on Brigadier Belram Singh Mehta’s “The Burning Chaffees: A Soldier’s First-Hand account of the 1971 War”. Mehta was then second-in
command of A squadron 45 Cavalry. Brigadier (then Major and brigade major 350 brigade) B. G. Reddy’s “1971 War: Truth vs Distorted History” in Bharat, Opinion of 8 December 2021 provides authentic information related to the Boyra sector. Retired Lieutenant General Harcharanjit Singh Panag who was a captain in 4 Sikh in the 1971 war in The Print of 12 December 2019 has written an objective opinion piece about the Battle of Khulna including the Gharibpur action.
The Indian 9 Division under 2 Corps was responsible for operations in the Jessore -Khulna sector. This had infantry brigades (32, 42, and 350), 50 Para Brigade Group less a battalion in reserve, a mechanized batta lion (7 Punjab), five Border Security Force (BSF) battalions, 45 Cavalry less a squadron (a PT76 and a T55 tank squadron) and a squadron of T55 tanks 63 Cavalry, with full complement of artillery, engineers and other supporting arms and a brigade strength of Mukti Bahini.
At the start of operations on 10 November 107 Brigade commanded by Brigadier Muhammad Hayat consisted of 15 FF, 22 FF, 38 FF, 55 Field Regiment, Troop 211 Mortar Battery, a wing of EPCAF/Razakars and 150 volunteers of Al Shams. In mid-November 6 Punjab from the Divisional reserves was provided and by 25 November 12 Punjab was also placed under command.
The first order of business for Indian 9 Division was to take advantage of the Bayra (also Boyra) salient which jutted into Pakistan territory. 350 Brigade commenced full-fledged operations on 10 November with 1 J&K supported by 45 Cavalry less a squadron initially. An effort by 38 FF less two companies which had responsibility for Chuagacha to evict the buildup on 13 November was not successful. By 19 November 350 Brigade (1 J&K, 4 Sikh, 26 Madras and three armour - two of 45 Cavalry and a 63 Cavalry T55 – squadrons), was fully inducted and secured areas up to the Kabadak river, investing Chuagacha from the west.
Indian 42 Brigade was tasked to create a bridgehead across the Kabadak, capture Gharibpur and open-up the Chuagacha-Jessore road for divisional operations. Before dawn 20 November a strong advance party of 14 Punjab using assault boats crossed the Kabadak and while reconnoitering for a suitable battalion defensive position ran into a patrol of 38 FF which withdrew. Two companies of 14 Punjab mounted on C squadron PT76 tanks crossed the river and by 1645 hours had secured Gharibpur. This was followed by the remaining two companies who used boats to cross the river. A bridge was built allowing for heavy weapons and ammunition to be brought into the bridgehead. By late night 20 November 14 Punjab and C squadron 45 Cavalry were ready for the expected counterattack.
On 20 November after Eid prayers GOC 9 Division ordered Major Maqsood to report to Brigadier Hayat in Chuagacha as pressure was building up and carry out reconnaissance on track Chuagacha, Amrita Bazar, Jhinger Gicha for the employment of the squadron. In the Chuagacha meeting Brigadier Hayat informed Major Maqsood, 2nd Lieutenants Shafqat and Salar that the Indians had started firing from across the Kabadak and own troops of 107 Brigade were in contact with the enemy. Since the track Chuagacha-Amrita Bazar was under heavy shelling, Major Maqsood, Shafqat and Salar went via Jessore up to Palua on track Dhopa Khola/Palua and reconnoitered the area from the south. At Palua there was intense artillery shelling and rebel firing from the western side, finally getting back to Jessore 1800 hours. At this time Major Maqsood was informed that 3 IAS was placed under command 107 Brigade and was to counterattack the enemy positions.
Yahya) staying on the right would mop up remnants with a platoon of 21 Punjab (R&S) in support. Operation would start at 0630 hours.
On the morning of 21 November 1971, the famous tank battle of Garibpur was fought. Expecting opposition by infantry, 3 IAS formed up and advanced accordingly. Major Maqsood reports:
“At exactly 0630 hours the leading troop started the advance from point (D) and immediately the enemy started shelling. We kept going through the artillery shelling and at 0650 hours when the leading troop had just crossed the clump (G) it was fired upon from clump (E) (distance approximately 500 yards). In trying to take up fire position, two of its tanks were hit, (at point 1). I was immediately behind this troop and went forward to see the enemy myself. The visibility was poor due to haze, but I could see some Indian PT-76 tanks, which, I reported to my second in command on rear link so that the Brigade Commander could be informed.
I then deployed a troop (at point 2) on the left of the leading troop so that with the help of these two troops in the base of fire, I could attack the enemy in the clump from the left. In the process of deployment two tanks of this troop got bogged down. All three tanks of this troop, however, kept engaging the enemy till they were shot up. A troop was then ordered to maneuver from the left, but no sooner did they emerge from Clump (G) (at point3) they were shot up and nothing was heard from them. (Only two members of this troop escaped alive). There was a lot of fire being brought on us at this stage and I realized that I was facing at least two squadrons of armour, of which we had destroyed five tanks on the outer fringes.
Annexes Q
and R are
gratefully
reproduced
from Major
Maqsood Ali
Khan’s
report.
Annex Q
provides a
sketch of
the area,
while Annex
R is a close
up of the
battle field
and actions.
I now had one troop intact, my own tank and one tank of 3rd troop with its turret jammed. Being in a desperate situation I resorted to the only alternative left to me i.e. going from my right with the last troop and entering the clump (H) from the north so that I could deal with the enemy from his flank. The area did afford a somewhat covered approach but was not utilized before as the two infantry companies were going from this side. The troop launched out correctly, but the troop leader and tank commanders being in-experienced, with no training, came very close to the right forward troop, and before I could turn them off (no wireless communication), two of their tanks had been destroyed and the third had its telescope blown (at point 4).
The situation had now somewhat stabilized, and we were sitting in opposite clumps. Taking stock of the situation, I realized that we had destroyed five enemy tanks so far. On our side we had eight tanks destroyed, two bogged (later destroyed), one with jammed turret, one with sights destroyed, and one in fit condition. This made a total of 13 tanks as the forward observation officer’s tank having been left behind in Jessore for repairs. I made one last bid and under the fire cover of the tank without the telescope, moved my tank to the extreme right and managed to get into the clump on the flank of the enemy at point (H). From here, I engaged the enemy and my gunner destroyed two tanks, after which to my utter surprise I saw the enemy tanks withdraw (the Indians probably mistook this move of mine on the flank as another squadron having moved up).”
Major Maqsood believed that the Indian tanks were under pressure as 7 of their tanks were destroyed and another 6 probably hit and were withdrawing from their positions and if infantry reinforcements especially antitank recoilless guns could be brought in, 3 IAS which had suffered 8 tanks destroyed and two bogged down would be able to recover own and Indian tanks. 107 Brigade was informed of the situation at 0945 hours.
Major Maqsood decided to meet Brigadier Hayat to make the request personally. But before driving off he handed over the sole remaining fit tank of 3 IAS with only five high explosive shells remaining to Salar Beg, whose tank had been shot earlier. However, The Indians had realised that the situation was in their favour and returned to the clump by around 1330 hours.
Major Maqsood adds:
“By now an ammunition truck and armoured recovery vehicle had also arrived and since the tank being manned by Second Lieutenant Salar Beg was in an isolated position with no ammunition, I pulled it out and brought it in clump (G) and refilled the ammunition in both this and the other tank without sights.
2nd Lieutenant Shafqat Mahmood managed to get hold of two recoilless rifles from somewhere and we now deployed these two tanks and the two recoilless rifles, on the fringe of clump (G) facing the Indians. The Indians wanted to outflank us from the west but when we fired at them; their tanks withdrew into their clump.
By now some elements of infantry had arrived in our clump, but in view of enemy tanks firing at us they could not go forward.
It was approximately 1700 hours now, when intense shelling was brought down on our clump by the Indians, I was with the Brigade Commander on the roadside when we saw own infantry withdraw towards Afra. I immediately went forward to my tanks to enquire as to why the infantry had started to withdraw. The second in command informed me that he had sent the armoured recovery vehicle back and probably this move, along with the shelling prompted the infantry to withdraw.
I informed the Brigade Commander about this situation, who asked me to hold on to this position till the elements of the Brigade at Chuagacha could be withdrawn on Afra position. I assured him that I would hold on to this position till last-light and readjusted my position by moving two tanks and deploying them on the northern side of the road at point (D) facing south. I held on to this position till last light and withdrew behind Afra at 1815 hours.”
The strand running through the various Indian version of events grudgingly admits that the Pakistan counterattack was very determined and came quite close to achieving its objective of eliminating the bridgehead. The majority of their writers have attributed the Indian success to the leadership and battle acumen of Lieutenant Colonel R.K. Singh CO 14 Punjab and the isolated acts of valour displayed by their troops. Reddy on the other hand explains that it was because “Pakistani armour rushed headlong into armour lying in wait” that led to Indian success.
This battle was celebrated as a major battlefield victory. The Indians exaggerated figures stating that a Pakistan brigade attack was decimated and that over 300 casualties were inflicted were circulated. The extent of self-aggrandisement can also be gathered from the fact that 40 gallantry awards were given including three Maha Vir Chakras (equivalent to Hilal-e-Jurat) and three Vir Chakras (equivalent to Sitara-e-Jurat). Reportedly the Indian Defence Minister Jagjivan Ram also visited the sector a couple of days later.
I am sharing below the battle account by Colonel Bhaskar Sarkar in Battle of Bayra 1971.
CO 14 Punjab had deputed patrols which provided information confirming advance of a tank column headed towards D Company at south Jaggannathpur and an infantry column headed towards C company at Pitambarpur. The Company had moved forward at night but at dawn the Battalion Commander realised that it was too far forward. The Company was immediately ordered to fall back south to Jahangirpur. This readjustment was carried out with great skill almost in the face of the enemy.
With the direction of Pakistani thrust lines
having been ascertained from the patrols, the
tanks and recoilless guns were relocated to meet
the threat. The first attack by Pakistan’s 6
Punjab was on Pitambarpur, but C Company
had already withdrawn. The enemy’s attempts
to out flank the Indian positions from the south
were foiled by the Company. The main attack
came frontally on A, B and D Companies. The
infantry – tank assault came on D Company
at 0600 hours on November 21. The enemy
attacked confidently, and one tank charged to
within 25-m of the defences. The enemy’s tank
and artillery fire had forced the recoilless gun
crew back. But Havilder Lekh Raj, the crew
leader, stayed back and knocked out the lead
tank. One of the PT 76 tanks also hit an enemy
tank, which happened to be the troop leader’s
tank. Capt Gill shot the troop leader as he tried
to get out of the tank. Other enemy tanks moved
in and a melee developed. The squadron
commander, 45 Cavalry, Major DS Narang,
while directing the fight standing in his tank
cupola, was hit and killed. Lt Tajinder Singh,
a troop leader of the nearby troop was also hit
and seriously wounded. However, the Indian
troops held firm.
By 0830 hours, after two and half hours of
bitter fighting, the enemy attack petered out. The
battlefield was strewn with dead bodies and
burning tanks. As the fog rose, it revealed eleven
enemy tanks, eight destroyed and three
abandoned in working condition.
While this action was going on in the D Company locality, the enemy’s 6 Punjab, which had taken Pitambarpur, was closing in on Garibpur through woods to the west. The enemy battalion attacked the Battalion Headquarters and A Company from the west under heavy artillery and tank fire. The engineer platoon of 102 Engineer Regiment led by Lt RR Murthy had occupied a defended locality with the Battalion Headquarters. The platoon under Lt Murthy fought bravely and assisted in beating back the attack. For his gallantry and leadership in this action, Lt Murthy was awarded the Sena Medal. Very close artillery support directed by Maj Kailash Nath, the battery commander helped to break up the assault. Four enemy aircraft came in at 0900 hours, after the visibility had improved and strafed the Indian positions. One PT 76 tank was destroyed’ in the air attack. Pakistani troops launched another counter attack
from the same direction at 1000 hours. This attack was also beaten back. 14 PUNJAB along with its supporting troops had been able to hold firm against determined enemy attacks.
This was a battle where the two companies of 6 Punjab on the right flank almost carried the day against Indian 14 Punjab which had over 12 hours to prepare its defences. 3 IAS rode into action and inflicted severe damage to 45 Cavalry squadron; a few timely reinforcements would have given them victory, but that was not to be.
Three Maha Vir Chakras were awarded to Major D.S. Narang 45 Cavalry (posthumously), 14 Punjab’s Subedar Malkiat Singh (posthumously), and Commanding Officer 14 Punjab Lieutenant Colonel R. K. Singh. Three Vir Chakras were awarded to Captain G.S. Gill and Havildar Lekh Raj of 14 Punjab and
Captain Chaturvedi of Artillery. Indian armour losses were 6 PT 76 tanks including one knocked out by PAF and 28 dead and 48 wounded.
3 IAS suffered 22 casualties including 2nd Lieutenant Saeed. 11 tanks were lost in action, 8 shot up and 3 bogged down.
Salar was amongst the first to enter the field of battle at 0630 hours and the last to leave at last-light. He first commanded his own troop which had two of its tanks bogged down and had continued to engage enemy tanks till all three of his tanks were shot up. At 1000 hours he was put in charge of the last tank of 3 IAS which had five high explosive rounds and continued to fight the enemy till 1330 hours from an advanced isolated position when the tank, having exhausted all its ammunition including its machineguns, was finally ordered back. After replenishment he re-deployed to his forward position finally withdrawing at 1700 hours after a full day of battle.
In the heat of battle Salar had suffered injury to one eye because of a small bit of debris / fumes which had damaged it. After getting back to Jessore he visited a medical facility to get whatever treatment was available. He was recommended for evacuation to West Pakistan and a movement order was issued. Salar, however, chose to remain with 3 IAS. Wearing an eye patch, gallant Salar returned to action.
3 IAS was now left with 2 tanks, the squadron commander’s and the forward observation officer’s tank which at the time of the 21 November battle was in Jessore getting repaired. These two tanks were commanded by Salar during the remaining days of 107 Brigade’s actions till the fateful day of 15 December. He was determined not to give up command of the tank left to him by the squadron commander on 21 November. It may be noted that Major Maqsood after suffering major injuries on 23 November in an accident triggered by an improvised explosive device had been evacuated to West Pakistan.
As war was declared on 3 December and appreciating the situation Brigadier Hayat decided to gather his forces for the defence of Khulna, leaving Jessore to the enemy.
The two tanks of 3 IAS were used in screen positions to cover the withdrawal of troops generally astride the road Jessore-Khulna. With his two tanks Salar was determined to cover the withdrawal of troops and would invariably be among the last to leave for the next delaying position. Major Masudul Hasan7second-in-command 21 Punjab on 15 April 2023 narrated the account of Salar’s
7 Major Masudul Hasan as mentioned in the preface was a cadet at JSPCTS Quetta when my father was the Chief Instructor. Deeply impressed by my father Major Masud (retired as a brigadier) had joined 18 Punjab on commissioning.
fearlessness. Major Masud recounts that he was withdrawing towards Khulna on 14 December and came across Salar with his two tanks in the screen position in the vicinity of Daulatpur. Major Masud asked Salar as to what he was doing and why was he not withdrawing. Salar’s response that he very clearly and vividly remembers was ‘Abhi dou gholay hain” (I still have two rounds). Immortal words from an immortal soul. The meaning was explicit – when I have two rounds how can I withdraw.
On 15 December in the battle at Daulatpur where the two tanks of 3 IAS commanded by Salar were deployed supported by a company of 15 FF, two companies of Indian infantry of 350 Brigade with T55 tanks attacked their position. In the mismatched battle Salar stood proud leading the two remaining M24 Chaffee tanks of 3 IAS in a static antitank role.
Salar used the last rounds of his tank, one of which hit a T55 which had advanced into the M24 range The Indians did not expect tanks to be this forward. They of course had no idea of the mettle of the man opposing them. Salar was not scared of taking them on with vastly inferior tanks. The T55s withdrew to a safe distance. The only weapon that Salar’s M24 had some ammunition left for after the main gun rounds were exhausted, was the mounted machine gun. Salar got into the cupola and engaged enemy infantry breaking up their advance. It was at this time that the Indian T55 tanks which had extracted themselves and got into secure positions from where they were safe from any counter fire using their superiority in range knocked out both the M24s.
Salar had continued to command the two M24 tanks since 21 November till his last battle on 15 December. Leading from the front for 25 days he and his two tanks had remained resolutely in the most forward elements of 107 Brigade positions facing the Indian 9 Division. Not for a moment did he rest, nor was he weary. Taking advantage of the most advanced and exposed positions, where no armour was expected to operate from, Salar with his two tanks dictated the pace of Indian advance on the main road Jessore-Khulna. The Indians suffered many more casualties during this advance then in all the preceding days and months of war since end October.
As narrated by Brigadier Hayat 107 brigade commander, the “two M 24 Chaffee tanks were under command of Lieutenant Salar from Hunza. They knocked out one enemy T55 Tank at close range. Enemy infantry attack soon petered out. His tanks also quickly withdrew out of Chafees range. Taking advantage of their long range capability they brought down concentrated fire against our Chafee tanks and destroyed both our antiques. The commander (Lt. Salar) and the crew were all killed. Lt. Salar was a very brave young officer who was also wounded in early November 71. He was lucky to have got a proper burial.”
Salar was the epitome of courage, with a coolness and determination that was without equal. Major Azhar Usman Chengazi, 11 C who was also in 3 IAS as a subaltern, shared the following through a WhatsApp message:
"On the day of his Shahada we conducted a proper Namaz-e-Janaza with 6 months of Amanat, and I buried him with all the Honours he was due in Khulna, where I also personally put a beautiful bed cover underneath him in the grave and a cushion under his head as he was being interred in his Armoured Corps uniform. He was very close to me, and the many memories I have of his wonderful life are forever etched in my memory.
Innalilahi wainna ilaihi rajiuun."
My parents did not receive any information and Salar was listed as “Missing believed prisoner of war”.
I just did not have in my heart the strength to inform them directly. We were entitled to get 2 letters and 4 cards mailed through the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) on a monthly basis which would get delivered to Pakistan. I would write 5 to my parents and one to my eldest brother Timur. I had
informed Timur in one of my earliest letters about Salar. Timur made a number of trips to Gilgit but was unable to break the news. How could he? My parents were hoping that Salar, who was physically tough, was alive.
Timur was fortunate to be on board a fleeing PIA flight from Dhaka to Rangoon on/around 2/3 December and had got away to safety.
A pencil and crayon portrait of Salar Beg by Aqeel Shigri in July 1997 from a photograph
It was only in November 1972 while interred in Tihar Central Jail Delhi, I gathered the courage to finally write to my father with the heart-breaking news.
Father wrote to the Adjutant General at GHQ on 30 January 1973 and followed -up with another letter on 1 March 1973 informing them of the news that he had received of Salar’s death. Central Officers Record Office (CORO) GHQ after carrying out necessary checks from soldiers of 3 IAS who had been repatriated on medical grounds sent a Presumption of Death – PSS 12315 2/Lt Salar Beg, AC dated 14 March 1973 to my mother Umme Alia Begum which would confirm the date of death being the date it was signed by mother. This was done on 21 March 1973.
One of Salar's last letters was to Shams un Nisa our younger sister 8, where he had promised that on his return, he would bring her and Badri (Badr un Nisa) a dozen Dhaka saris of the finest quality.
My parents Brig Sherullah Beg, and Umme Alia Begum knew that Salar was tough and physically very fit and could take care of himself. They were more worried about me, as I was the delicate one.
My father in his inimitable style wrote:
“Lieutenant Salar Beg had fought his last battle against a fresh Indian tank squadron with only two surviving but crippled tanks of his own. He had been gallantly directing fires from his own tank already aflame, standing in his seat with uncovered cupola, when he sank down after receiving a direct bullet in his chest on the morning of 15th December 1971.”
The ways of Allah are beyond us. Ma y Allah have mercy on the souls of the unsung and unrecognised soldiers who made the supreme sacrifice for Pakistan in 1971. Ameen
8 We were six siblings: Timur Beg, Salar Beg, me, Shams un Nisa, Mahmud Beg and Badr un Nisa the youngest. Shams married Lt Col Aijaz Akram 11 Baluch, the only army officer to have SSG and aviation wings. Mahmud retired as a Colonel having served in 18 Punjab, he commanded 40 Punjab and was posted as Colonel Administration in Force Command Northern Areas. Badr’s husband Muiz-ud-din is from 9 Baluch and commanded it as well. He retired as a Colonel.
Story 3: To the Field and Action
After arriving in Rawalpindi on 23 November 1971 from Gilgit by Pakistan International Airline (PIA) Fokker F27, I took the Khyber Mail train to Karachi. Station Headquarters Karachi put my name on a waiting list for a flight to Dhaka, and I was instructed to check on a daily basis.
Since the officers’ mess was near the racecourse, I spent my time watching the races. Soon enough I was informed that my flight would leave on 28 November. As India had closed its airspace to Pakistan on the back of the Ganga airliner hijacking in January 1971, PIA mounted an amazing logistic feat of transporting a large number of troops to East Pakistan, using Boeing 707 aircraft overflying Colombo. Ours was one of the last flights to Dhaka carrying an infantry company and a dozen of us newly commissioned officers of 47th Long Course and 8th Graduate Course.
On arrival at Dhaka airport, we quickly sensed that the situation was totally different from the normalcy of life in Gilgit, Rawalpindi or Karachi. There were military personnel at the airport and a scramble was in progress to get the return flight to Karachi to evacuate families, the wounded and civilians at the earliest. There was an air of anxiety all around.
One of our course mates, 2nd Lieutenant Anwar Mansoor was immediately put on a waiting Pakistan International Airline twin otter aircraft to Comilla.
For the rest of us, a JCO detailed by Eastern Command took us under his wing and got us to board the back of a truck with our luggage. This was quite a climbdown from our fanciful expectations of being treated with the privilege we thought we deserved now that we were officers!
The road was devoid of traffic, and we did not see any civilians. Suddenly there was a loud bang, with all of us diving to the bottom of the truck - some of us were slow in our reaction. The JCO climbed out of the truck and told us calmly that a tire had burst. I was one of the slow ones and would constantly rib my namesake 2Lieutenant Salman Syed over the years without ever letting him know that I had also attempted to hit the deck.
A staff officer at the Headquarters was unaware of the specific location of my unit and advised me to take the PIA twin otter flight to Ishurdi, where he said the officer at the airfield would guide me further. Next day, after I was dropped off at Ishurdi, the flight continued with 2nd Lieutenants Aftab Lodhi, Khalid Javed and Liaqat on their way to Saidpur airfield, a temporary runway paved with bricks. The officer in charge at Ishurdi airfield first replenished me with boiled eggs and tea which was very welcome, then put me on a train to Chuadanga.
The train was full, other than the A C class with me as its sole occupant for the 3-hour journey. I was in uniform but unarmed, proudly wearing my green beret. I felt a little disquiet during my time in the train, but the full scale of the danger I was in hit me when I stepped off the train at Chuadanga. The 18 Punjab officer on duty greeted me with an expression of bewilderment. He said I should never have been allowed to travel alone in the train and that I could have been 'disappeared'.
Our unit was divided to defend two sectors - the Commanding Officer (CO) with three companies at Darsana, and the Second in command (2IC) at Meherpur with one regular company and the other an EPCAF company (East Pakistan Civil Armed Forces). In order to keep me away from the frontline for as long as possible, because it was felt I was too green behind the ears, I was given the duty of Intelligence Officer. But this did not last long. The very next day when the 2IC, a senior major, told me to get the Circle Officer on the telephone, I failed not knowing who it was - and even to this day, I don't. The 2IC felt I was not up to
the mark, and I was immediately transferred as company officer to C Coy commanded by Maj Zahid ul Islam. The Indian 4 Mountain Division, which had commenced hostilities on 21 November 1971, had failed in their efforts to take Darsana till 5 December. In view of the developing situation our brigade commander was concentrating his forces. 18 Punjab was placed at Chuadanga with the intent to guard the axis to Jhenidah where the brigade Headquarter was located. On 6 December, information came in that a convoy proceeding from Chuadanga had received fire about halfway to Jhenidah. Our brigade commander decided to clear the roadblock. Two companies of 18 Punjab including C Company were detailed. We then marched close to the site in the evening and formed up to attack the enemy position. At the H Hour we started advancing and had gone about 200 yards when orders were received to abort the attack. We lived to fight another day. And that day, 9 December 1971, was not far off.
New information had been received. The Indian Army roadblock was a battalion strong (5 Guards) with a squadron of tanks (45 Cav). It is worth mentioning that we encountered this squadron a few days later in Kushtia on 9 December, decimating it as well as 22 Rajput, thereby throwing the advancing battalion of 7 Mountain Brigade off track, all of which resulted in derailing the operational plans of 4 Mountain Division.
A remarkable battle that forced not only 4 Mountain Division commanded by Major General M.S. Brar, but the Indian 2 Corps commanded by Lieutenant General T.N. Raina, to overreact. Lieutenant General T.N. Raina later went on to become the Indian Army Chief of Army Staff (COAS).
Story 4: Kushtia Encounter Battle, 9 December 1971
The headlines of Radio Pakistan’s 8 O’clock evening news of 9 December 1971 announced that Pakistan’s Eastern Command had launched its counter offensive against Indian attacks earlier that day meeting with great success and inflicting major losses on the Indian aggressors. Major Zahid ul Islam and I who were quite exhausted from the day long battle, listened to the broadcast while taking a much needed rest huddled in a small room next to the Kushtia-Jhenidah road.
For the Indians it must have felt exactly as reported by Radio Pakistan.
This was the most successful battlefield victory achieved by the Pakistan Army during the course of the 1971 war, where the enemy was defeated and suffered major losses, with minimal casualties on our side.
It was a shock to the Indians that the Pakistan Army had annihilated the vanguard company (of around 150 men) of 22 Rajput who were leading the Indian advance on Kushtia, and had captured and/or destroyed six Indian PT-76 tanks of 45 Cavalry (the same squadron which had put up the roadblock between Chuadanga-Jhenidah on 6 December), as well as capturing 13 Indian Army prisoners of war including an artillery officer, and had taken hold of a truck and a Recoilless Rifle jeep abandoned by the Indian troops during their rout.
These losses had caused the advancing Indian 7 Mountain Brigade commanded by Brig Zail Singh to panic and led to the regrouping and reorientation of India's 4 Mountain Division, culminating in the failure of Indian 2 Corps to get to Dhaka first.
A company of a renowned battalion of the Punjab Regiment in the Pakistan Army (known as Desert Hawks for their amazing valour and battlefield success in all military operations since Independence in 1947 and who were the proud holders of 12 SJs including 3 for the Kushtia action) that consisted of two regular platoons (about 30 men each) and an EPCAF platoon (old reservists) with the support of two troops of 29 Cavalry had achieved this remarkable victory.
The company commander Major Zahid ul Islam, an exceptionally courageous and selfless leader, though awarded a Sitara Jurat, deserved at least the Hilal-e-Jurat, for his extreme act of bravery, inspirational leadership and complete coolness under fire.
This is not a figment of imagination or a fanciful flight of the mind – this happened. This is my story of the battle of that day.
The urge to share the story of this 50-year-old battle from the perspective of a young man not yet out of his teens – I had turned nineteen two days earlier - is meant to provide a battle account as experienced by a newly commissioned officer.
The span of time has put considerable distance between then and now and although this would at times put a slightly different shade on events as they happened, as memories are invariably fallible, hopefully the story is now more emotion free. Of course, it should be abundantly clear that this is my story as I remember it, with all the caveats that come with such subjectivity.
Born in 1944 Zahid ul Islam joined
36 L/C and was commissioned in
1966 into 35 Punjab. He was later
posted to 34 Punjab and then to 18
Punjab.
Singularly responsible for the
remarkable outcome of Kushtia
battle Zahid excelled as a natural
and inspirational leader.
Spent almost 2 years in Delhi under
most trying conditions and came
back unscathed in mind.
Commanded 29 Punjab and 54
Punjab.
Irfan Zahid, provided this picture of his father taken in 1974 as a major
The battle was fought at Kushtia, at some distance from the frontier, as our Brigade deployed in the Darsana-Meherpur area following orders to defend the borders had been skillfully sidestepped by the Indian Army with the support of the Mukti Bahini. The Chuadanga-Jhenidah road was unavailable because of the roadblock held by Indian 5 Guards and a squadron 45 Cavalry.
Our Brigade Commander after reviewing the situation decided on vacating the bypassed positions to regroup at Kushtia town. Kushtia was a likely objective for the Indians as it led towards Paksey and the huge rail cum road Hardinge Bridge over the River Padma, a vital communication artery. A night march along a railway line from the frontline to Kushtia for around 20 miles was carried out, with sniping by the Mukti Bahini not allowing any moment of ease. I recall sleeping while marching; I suppose when one is utterly exhausted the mind does switch off while the body continues to perform in order to survive. It was thus a great relief that the last portion to Kushtia was covered using a train.
In Kushtia, our company ‘Charlie’ Company was tasked to guard one of the approaches into the town, while other units and subunits were similarly tasked. On the Jhenidah approach a company of another battalion was given the mission to take position on the outskirts of Kushtia up to around 1000 hours on 9 December, at which time a company from our unit would relieve them. For reasons that are still not clear, this did not happen on time.
The other company vacated the position and moved back to Kushtia. At about this time a commandeered bus with a platoon of troops was rushing to occupy the advanced position. They were quite horrified to see Indian tanks at some distance advancing towards them on the road. The only
sensible course was for the bus to turn around, and rush back to safety while informing the battalion and brigade headquarters of the situation. When news of the Indian advance came, I was with Major Zahid visiting the battalion and brigade headquarters housed in the police lines, hoping for some breakfast. The brigade commander realising that if the Indians were not stopped the whole force in Kushtia would be destroyed, ordered Major Zahid to stop the Indians, and that he could use two troops of 29 Cavalry tanks that were also available in Kushtia. Major Zahid quickly assembled Charlie Company and led us towards the road that the Indians were advancing on.
A few words about the terrain and situation to get a feel for the ground conditions. Roads in the area were built much higher than the surroundings, while an abundance of greenery, vegetation, trees and sugarcane impeded observation and movement. Canals dotted the countryside. These were formidable obstacles. Tanks could only use the road. Our support included artillery consisting of vintage 3.7-inch guns, 6 tanks and two 106 mm anti-tank recoilless rifle guns (RRs).
Major Zahid led us purposefully forward on both sides of the Jhenidah road, with our RRs accompanying us, until we came to a wall stretched out at ninety degrees on the left side of the road. He then ordered us to line up behind the wall, cross it and recommence our advance in an extended line.
This was when we saw a few Indian tanks to our right, on the road, and almost at the same time our RRs began engaging them. Soon our 29 Cavalry tanks also got into the action. We started getting artillery fire and the sound of battle increased with small arms fire also joining in. Charlie Company continued to advance led by Major Zahid, only coming to a stop when we reached a canal where we went to ground. At this point we got machine gun fire from a building on our right which literally grazed our feet, but mercifully the shooting did not do any damage. Major Zahid ordered one of our rocket-launcher teams to clear the Indian post.
Major Zahid ordered two platoons to move towards the road on our right, while the EPCAF platoon was tasked to move left along the canal and cross it over the first bridge they came to. We ran right, towards the road along the canal bank and as we approached close to the main bridge, we saw soldiers crossing the bridge. It was difficult to determine what troops these were. We went closer and realised these were Indian soldiers and immediately opened fire. The withdrawal turned into a rout with us chasing them across the bridge and into the fields. Many were the dead we saw who had been caught up in battle.
What had caused the Indians such great fear? The famous saying about the confusion of war is true. Also true is that the one who takes the initiative invariably wins. Most of all I believe that the Indians had assumed that since they had met with no resistance at the outskirts of Kushtia they had relaxed their guard thinking that the Pakistan Army had vacated these positions as well. To be suddenly confronted with resolutely advancing soldiers, supported by RRs and tanks, caused utter confusion and spread panic in the Indian ranks. They were spooked. It would have appeared to them that they had advanced into a very well-prepared ambush and that now they did not have a chance of coming out alive.
Allah struck fear into their hearts.
We chased the Indians for over three miles and only stopped when we had almost run-out of ammunition. Our tanks were lagging far behind, and we were out of range of our own artillery. I remember when we requested artillery cover, our 3.7-inch guns fired at maximum range and some of
the shells landed on our forward position. Fortunately, other than the antenna of our radio set being blown off, there was no damage.
We were a handful of soldiers on the main road, and desperately needed to get ammunition and reinforcements. One of our soldiers was killed on the right side of the road and another had been hit in the leg. A platoon under Naib Subedar Yasin had moved on the road which forked off after the second bridge, while the EPCAF platoon had been tasked early in battle to the left to provide flank protection. The tanks of 29 Cavalry were urgently needed to reinforce our spearhead. Major Zahid left me in charge with the 10 odd soldiers and promised to get the tanks.
I took position in a small compound and awaited reinforcements. Shooting had died down and we were glad for that as we had very little ammunition left. A jeep mounted Indian recoilless rifle was in front of us about 200 meters away on the road abandoned in the pell-mell hasty retreat of panicked soldiers.
While it did not take too much time, possibly 30 minutes, it seemed an eternity. Soon we saw our tanks cross the bridge and take up positions. At about the same time our Intelligence Officer Lieutenant Talat Mahmood came up and drove back the RR jeep and put our wounded soldier and evacuated him. A platoon of E company came up and took positions along the canal. We were glad to be relieved. We withdrew behind the canal and got some well-deserved rest.
We did see some IAF Su7 sorties overhead.
The next day, we checked out the site where the Indian 45 Cavalry tanks had been abandoned. Our brigade GSO 3 Captain (later Brigadier) Shafiq Niazi recovered some letters including those for the slain 2nd Lieutenant Sam Chandravarkar. Two Indian tanks named ‘Arjun’ and ‘Hell on Tracks’ were hit, while one in the panic was stuck in an embankment and another three were found in full operational running condition.
There were some incidents that show that how one deals with fear is the key to battle. To illustrate, let me share three incidents.
Major Zahid overtook an armed Indian soldier as he raced forward. The Indian soldier offered to surrender, but this would have slowed down Major Zahid, therefore he told the Indian soldier to wait at the same place and he would come for him later. Major Zahid left the soldier and continued forward all the time wondering if the Indian soldier would shoot him in the back. Interestingly after two hours the armed Indian soldier was still waiting there and did become our prisoner of war.
Then there was the valiant Indian Junior Commissioned Officer (JCO) who despite his hopeless situation, having suffered wounds and surrounded by our troops refused to give himself up and continued to use his weapon till the end. A brave man indeed, he accepted death over life on the battlefield and died a worthy soldier.
The last incident concerns me. After crossing the second bridge as I was advancing with a soldier in front of me on the right shoulder of the road, there was a hail of gunfire. I heard the angry buzz of the bullets – it is true one can hear these - as they missed me and continued on their way. The soldier in front of me Sepoy Nazar was hit in the forehead and started to crumple; before he hit the ground, I was already safely lying flat having taken cover behind a tree trunk. When Major Zahid asked me to cross the road to get to the left side of the road where he was, so that he could give me orders for the next stage of battle, because we had reached our limit of advance and he had to go back and get the
tanks and other support elements to move forward, I was caught between not showing fear and the reality of enemy fire on the road.
Belief in Allah, the honour of one’s family, one’s family name (my father had commanded the same unit twenty years earlier), and did one really have a choice to opt out and say no I will not cross the road, all got me to do as ordered. I was wearing a green beret (the Punjab Regiment colour - helmets were not of too much use), had an AK47, the ever-reliable famous Kalashnikov and possibly a magazine of ammunition having exhausted three magazines in the advance. I put my hand in my trouser pockets
and touched the rosary beads for reassurance that my mother had given me in Gilgit on 22 November 1971. Naturally, I crossed the road, and was unharmed.
Charlie Company had two shaheeds and two wounded while Lieutenant Khalid Kharrak of 29 Cavalry earned shahadat,
Among the Indian casualties were a few young officers. The ‘langar gap’ was that the fathers of two of these officers were in important positions. One was a Lok Sabha member and the other a major general in the Indian army. They could not believe that an outnumbered Pakistan army outfit in retreat had inflicted so much damage on the advancing Indian army formation and caused so many casualties. They were looking for their pound of flesh. And so, it came about that Desert Hawks in general and Charlie Company in particular, became the focus of interrogation and special treatment that included stints in the infamous Tihar Central Jail, Delhi. So it was that I became a much-travelled person (Gaya, Delhi, Agra, Delhi and finally Roorkee) during my stay in India as a ‘guest of Indira Gandhi’.
An Indian Viewpoint:
Kushtia Tactical Blunder
Account of battle written on the occasion of 50th anniversary of 1971 war by Major General Pramod K Batra, then commanding A Squadron 45 Cavalry in VAYU Aerospace and Defence Review bi monthly magazine of 1 March 2021
In the evening (9 December, Magura) I got orders to move to Kushtia immediately as there had been a major reverse and we had lost many tanks. I could get no more information. The Squadron 2i/c was in B echelon and not feeling well, neither was my senior troop leader. The move from Madhumati to Kushtia, a distance of 90 kms was very trying. All kinds of thoughts were coming to my mind as we sped onwards on a pitch dark night, but there was no fear of an enemy. We reached Brigade headquarters after 5 hrs and at a distance I saw one of my destroyed tanks, with some four of my men shrouded under a blanket on the deck.
My mind went blank, anguish and pain hit me. I was summoned to meet the GOC and Brigade Commander. As this action were narrated to me, I lost my cool but all that the GOC said was “these things happen in war”, there was no remorse, feeling of guilt or regret. The BM took me one side and asked me to cool down. Tragically six officers were killed and 22 Rajput had suffered over 110 casualties (bold and in italics highlighted by Salman Beg)
What had happened that fateful day was that 7 Mountain Brigade, the Corps reserve was released and reverted to 4 Mountain Division and given the task to capturing Kushtia with two troops of 45 Cavalry attached. The Brigade Commander was told that Kushtia “was not held”, as ascertained by both the Corps and Divisional Commanders who had flown over the area. The advance would be led by PT-76s followed by 22 Rajput in troop-carrying vehicles (TCV). 2/Lt Sam Chandavarkar however felt that the terrain was not suitable for tanks, even for PT-76s with their low ground pressure. The area was marshy, wooded and Kushtia was a built up area, the main road just ten feet wide, passing across a high embankment. Advancing on this with tanks could be suicidal. Young Sam requested that the advance be led by Infantry. But sadly, there is no Tennyson in India to write about courage of 22 Rajput and ‘A’ Squadron 45 Cavalry who displayed extraordinary courage and devotion to duty for “theirs was not to reason why”.
Sam led the advance with five PT-76s on either side of the road following basic tactics of fire and move. As the leading elements entered Kushtia, Pakistan’s 57 Infantry Brigade, with tanks, RCLs, MMGs and all arms opened concentrated fire. This ambush surprised our advancing elements, the leading 4 tanks got direct hits from a distance of 200 yds by tank and RCL fire. The Pak Infantry deployed on the ground opened up on the unsuspecting leading company of 22 Rajput. There was no place to manoeuvre. One tank managed to get away but not before knocking out two Chaffee tanks. The Pakis followed by pulling back of troops and Commander 7 Brigade in the meantime had deployed a battalion on a water obstacle to extricate the withdrawing Rajputs. By 1700 hrs, the situation had stabilised. The Brigade asked for air strikes but these were delayed as proper coordination had not been carried out before commencement of this operation.
Now, the set back at Kushtia forced GOC 4 Mountain Division to concentrate his entire Division less one battalion on holding Madhumati which resulted in loss of crucial 72 hours.
Story 5: Across the Hardinge Bridge
After the hectic and tumultuous battle of the previous day, 10 December started out quietly, other than IAF Su7s patrolling the skies looking for targets of opportunity.
Two incidents stand out in my memory.
The first an attack by the Indian Air Force on the Police Headquarters building which Major Zahid and I visited a short while later after it was strafed. I cannot forget the horrible scene where cannon fire had splattered the upper torso of a soldier on the walls leaving the lower body part intact. It was horrendous. One of the 13 Indian soldiers captured by us also received injuries during the strafing run.
The other incident was while travelling back to C Company, our jeep, driven by Major Zahid, was crossing one of the few rather barren patches of ground, when we realised that an Su7 pair which had been circling overhead had lined up to attack us. Major Zahid accelerated the jeep to reach the cover of a few trees, but we could see that we could not outrace the Su7. Fortunately, a flock of birds flew directly in the attack path forcing the Su7s to abort and circle again looking for us. However, we were by then well hidden under a tree and waited out the Su7s.
We learnt that our brigade commander had made the decision to get to the other side of the Padma River, withdrawing across the Hardinge bridge. This was planned for 11 December.
Starting after last light we completed our preparations and thereafter commenced our march. The locals had also gotten wind of our withdrawal. A sea of humanity was also on the road. The scenes of indescribable human hopelessness are still with me. Families would beseech and beg us to take their little children in our column, thinking that at least that way there was a possibility, however slender, for someone in their family to get to safety. They were fearful of the repercussions that they knew would surely befall them. For me, for us, our helplessness to provide any measure of security to the people who gave their all and more, and to have to abandon them to their terrible fate will remain a morally indefensible act for all times.
Later at night as we moved further away, we heard the continuous thump of heavy artillery hitting Kushtia. The Indian 4 Mountain Division, in retaliation for its severe loss on 9 December, was mounting a proper divisional attack by bringing all its forces to bear on the town which had already been vacated. I am certain Kushtia town suffered grievously.
We reached Hardinge bridge with dawn breaking and I think C Company was the first to cross this colonial era railway bridge, which spanned over a mile in length. On the other side we met an office or two and soldiers from the Engineers. They informed us that they had placed reserve demolitions on a few spans to allow for making the bridge unusable if needed.
Later in the day as troops and civilians were crossing, we saw Su7s strafing the bridge and also using rockets. One of the prepared reserve demolitions was hit directly causing an explosion which collapsed one side of a span. There was pandemonium on the bridge. In desperation an ad hoc arrangement was made to traverse the gap.
The next few days were spent in the area of Paksey, where C Company was tasked with undertaking a Mukti Bahini operation. As we approached a village, we saw an old man near a paddy field, and asked him about the presence of Mukti Bahini. He replied “Ami kicho janey na; ami gharib manosh” (I am an old man and know nothing) and then he went his way. A few moments later there was a burst of rifle fire in our direction, and we all hit the ground. Once the shooting stopped, we got up and checked
to see if anyone was hurt. Fortunately, everyone was in good order. We moved forward and realised the miscreants had run away. We returned to base.
I think on the night of 15 December Brigade Headquarters received orders from Eastern Command that a ceasefire was to come into effect from 16 December and that all war fighting was to come to an end. In general, there was a sense of relief that no more lives would be lost in this lost cause. On the night of 16 December, we listened to Yahya Khan’s slurred speech on radio. He sounded drunk. I recall he said words to the effect, “Jung jari hai. Agar aik mahaz pe waqti tor pe kamyabi na huwi hai to is ka matlab ye nahin ke jung har gaye hai. Jung jari hai.” (The war continues. If at a certain moment it was not successful, then this does not mean that we lost the war. The war continues).
Over the next few days, we saw increasing numbers of civilians on the roads. And I think it was the 19/20 December when Indian troops finally reached us. The first thing was the release of the 13 Indian POWs.
On 21 December a parade was organised wherein an Indian brigadier, Ahluwalia (if I remember his name correctly) addressed us after we had laid down our arms. While I do not recall what all was said by him, I do remember that he said that some units/troops of the Pakistan Army had carried out atrocities and had mutilated Indian Army soldiers and that a thorough investigation would be carried out.
I did not realise at that time that this would mean for me getting back to Pakistan by the end of October 1973, much before 18 Punjab got back!
PART TWO – GUEST OF INDIRA GANDHI [21 DECEMBER 1971 – 22 OCTOBER 1973]
Story 6: To India and stay in Gaya: January to April 1972
Our stay at Natore where we had laid down arms on 21 December 1971 extended to the first week of January 1972. An Indian army convoy of trucks – I think all of them Mahindra & Mahindra – was arranged with probably a company strength at most of a Guards battalion providing escort. What was remarkable was that there were no breakdowns of the vehicles on this journey of 100 miles or so all the way over to Maldha (famous for its mangoes) in West Bengal. Even more noteworthy was that some of these trucks were loaded with items of plunder such as furniture and fixtures looted by the Indian Army.
We were put up overnight in a college building and then moved to the railway, where we boarded a train for our onward journey, still guarded by a company of the Guards. Besides our army wear we had our belongings such as clothes, watches, rings. The talk on the train was that we would be moving straight to the Pakistan border, and any holdups/delays that may occur would be because of a shortage of rolling stock. The train on its journey would stop at various stations, and our cooks would then make a meal on the platform and we would also get down and stretch our legs. When some of our officers raised the idea of leaving the train and making our way to Nepal or even taking over the train, as the escorting Guards company appeared exhausted and we could have easily overpowered them, these views were shot down with the reasoning that that would have meant abandoning our troops and importantly why put lives at risk when clearly, we would soon be getting back to Pakistan.
I think we reached Ranchi and stayed overnight in the train. We then moved out again as the information was that there was not enough space in the camp to accommodate us. We eventually got to Gaya in Bihar, famed for being the place where Buddha attained enlightenment under a Bodhi tree.
We saw a group of barracks with a fence put around them and that is where we were to stay. The Indian troops on the other hand, who were on guard duty, were accommodated in tents. We began settling down holding on to the fanciful idea that these quarters were temporary and, as soon a s arrangements were made, we would be on our way back to Pakistan. These ideas started to dim and then eventually die out as the number of fences - and these became increasingly sophisticated, grew to three, including searchlights and dogs - and the whole paraphernalia of a proper Prisoner of War camp came into being, reminding us of the war camps that we had seen in movies.
All our valuables were taken away, and searches and fall ins at all times of the day and night became routine. A Naik of the Indian Army would come in and blow a whistle and within a few minutes we would all gather and be counted. I think there were 120 odd officers up to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel in the officers’ ‘cage’ which was separated from other cages holding our troops. We had our own cooking staff. Rations were provided as per Indian Army soldier’s scale. Soon enough we started getting coupons which were worth, in the case of subalterns, Indian Rupees 92, while majors got Indian Rupees 106. This was according to the Geneva Conventions. We could purchase items from a canteen that had been setup, by gathering our orders together and then an officer would go and collect these. Cigarettes were prized, and so were ‘biris’ the local rolled tobacco leaf. Coffee, condensed milk, suga r, soap and books were other items that we got along with the odd thermos, slippers/sandals.
Soon enough the Indians commenced questioning our unit. Individual officers, JCOs, and soldiers were interrogated about the Kushtia battle. Not long after that, our CO and a number of company commanders and the adjutant and IO were taken, as we later found, to Delhi to undergo further interrogation. When my turn came to be questioned in Gaya it was a straight enough exchange. I recounted the details of the battle to the Indian investigating officer. There were moments, quite awkward ones, when I would say your troops ran away! I must report that the questioning centered around the brutality of the killings and the way Indian corpses were treated. Photographs were shown of mutilated bodies, some even hung. Since I had no knowledge about these my stock answer was that we were trained to be professional in our soldiering and mutilating bodies was not something we had done.
For around half the officers in camp, including myself, the routine was physical activity, interspersed with reading, and being in the company of seasoned wise officers such as Major Hameed Khattak, Artillery and Majeed Zaidi, Signals who taught us much about life. The remaining officers occupied themselves with religious practices. That half did not look kindly on our half!
Let me recount two incidents which provide a flavour about my stay in Gaya.
We had received standard crockery including a mug and a plate each – invariably a mug or two would go missing. Major Hameed Khattak advised that just tying a thread to the handle would prevent the mug being stolen as the effort to untie the thread would deter the potential thief from the same when he had other mugs without threads to take!
Me and 2nd Lieutenant Arif Hayat (45 LC) would use cards to decide on who would collect food at mealtimes. Whoever got the queen of spades would do the duty. Invariably we would put the dal in one plate and chapatis in another. Over time the thought gnawed at me, and I could just not get over it, that Arif Hayat was eating faster and more than his share of dal! Imagine! I took action and would draw a line through the plate of dal; Arif gamely accepted the idea, and from then on, each one of us would stay on his own side. I ate peacefully.
Most of our officers returned from Delhi by April, other than Major Zahid ul Islam and Lieutenant Talat Mahmood (Intelligence Officer). It was then the turn of Arif Hayat and me to travel to Delhi. I will cover the same in the next story, including a month-long stay in Agra in July 1972.
Story 7: Delhi, April to June 1972
While I had set out to cover the Delhi, Agra, Delhi period of April through December 1972, as I wrote the story, I realised it will have to be broken into two as this one was getting quite unwieldy. This story therefore covers the April through June period in Delhi.
Let me restate that these stories, this included, are my perspective and my memory at work, fallible as these are and particularly so as almost 50 years have passed. My apologies in advance for inconsistencies, factual inaccuracies, and other errors. However, for the reader, hopefully a sense of the situation comes alive.
2nd Lieutenant Arif Hayat and I were boarded onto a train at Gaya, which took us to Patna where we were put on the Rajdhani Express to Delhi. The train journey lasted about 24 hours. We were chained like dangerous criminals with shackles on our feet and hands and guarded by a fully armed escort. As we reached New Delhi railway station at night there was a great hubbub as this was a bustling busy station – the largest I had ever been to. I was struck by the fact that we were seeing well dressed women, a sight for sore eyes in their stylish sarees, for the first time since leaving Karachi. We must have been a spectacle in our khaki uniforms with black prisoners of war (POW) markings on them, green berets, and shackled in long iron chains. We soon attracted a crowd, with our escort surrounding us. Major Shukla, a very homely looking officer of the Military Police welcomed us and took us into his charge.
Once outside the station, we were bundled into a prisoner’s windowless large van and driven for half an hour till we came to a halt. We could hear the noise of a big gate opening and after our van moved forward and came to a stop, the sound of the gate being shut. When the door of the van was opened, we noticed that there were high walls all around us and that this place did not appear to be part of an army garrison. We were then individually marched to a small gate in one of the walls and entered an enclosure which had a rather longish building. The corridor in the centre of the building had around fifteen individual cells arranged in a block on either side, with their gated doors opening into the corridor.
We came to know that this was the infamous Tihar Central Jail where hardened criminals were held. Our building was a Class C facility. The guard opened the door which had iron bars and walked me into the cell where my shackles were removed. Here, a brief description of the cell is in order. It was around 6 feet wide and 10 feet in length. On entering the cell on one side there was a small wooden ‘charpoy’ barely 2 feet 6 inches in width and 5 feet 6 inches in length and on the other side opposite to the charpoy was a cemented platform of the same size as the bed. At the end of the cell in one corner was an Indian toilet. In the other corner was a water tap and a small ‘mutka’ for water. The only other item of furniture was a small chair. This would come in very useful as a privacy measure with a towel thrown over it when using the toilet. There was an electric bulb – probably 150 watts - at the far end of the cell, which was never switched off.
Purposefully, only one side of the block of cells were for incarceration, while the block of cells across the corridor were kept vacant. As we arrived, I can recollect there was a welcome shouted out from other cells. There were I think officers of 25 Punjab, 8 Punjab, 31 or 33 Baloch and some others including, I think, a naval officer. We would surreptitiously put our shaving mirrors into the corridor through the iron bar grills, tilting these at an angle and call out to the other officers to do the same to see each other and communicate. The guards on duty would admonish us but were not very strict. However, this was cut short as one day the camp commandant Lieutenant Colonel Hukumchand walked in, quite out of routine, and saw our activity. That was the last we saw of our small shaving
mirrors! It also meant that we would now have to look at our reflection in the mutka, in order to comb our hair.
We would know that room service was on its way when the first cell at the start of the corridor was reached and there would be the sound of an iron rod rattling across the bars. Food was served by a jail inmate escorted by a guard. We had our small enamel mugs and plates. Breakfast was a small puri accompanied with tea. Lunch used to be brought in a bucket with the inmate ladling two big spoons. This meal of dal used to be a watery gravy, in the first ladle and a bit of dal in the second ladle. And two ‘tapas’, chapatis barely bigger than a palm. Dinner was invariably a vegetable dish of the ‘kaddu’ variety. I made up my mind that when I was back home, I would not touch dal and kaddu. There were also occasions when we would be served meat at dinner time. The meat was leathery and just a sliver attached to a bone. I would feed meat to a cat that would visit me in my cell.
Delhi in summer, from May through July, is a different kind of hell, stifling and suffocating, made worse with the heat of the powerful bulb which remained on day and night. To keep safe from the abundant, unfriendly mosquitoes at night, I made use of a mosquito net which was still part of my kit. I would tie two ends to the iron bars of the door, and one end to the top of the chair. I used one of the bones, cleaned up by the cat, to tie up the fourth end of the net as I had anchored it into a small hole that I made in the wall. While it was unbearably hot, at least I was safe from mosquitoes.
One day I was informed if I was interested in getting a fan. Of course, yes was my answer. The next day a hand fan was provided – my thoughts of a standing fan were dashed! However at least one could have a few pleasantly cool moments.
Interrogation began in earnest.
This meant being woken up at midnight, shackled up, blindfolded and taken to another block where a 3-man team would review in detail the story of the battle of Kushtia and end up by showing photographs of mutilated corpses and pressuring me to accept that I had a hand in this or knew who had done it. I would say I did not know of any such incident, and that even if we had wanted to do such a thing which was forbidden, we did not have the time. As professionals we could not even imagine such acts. The level of interrogation would change including at times the team taking on a ‘good cop – bad cop’ routine. I was asked what I would like to do in Delhi. I answered, meet the PM Indira Gandhi, and then to their question why, I would say to inform her of the treatment being meted out to us and why were we being kept as prisoners when the Geneva Convention emphasised early repatriation.
There was one moment when I thought things were getting out of hand and could end the worse for me. I was stood on a small table, blindfolded, and a barrage of accusations were hurled at me about committing atrocities and murdering soldiers who had surrendered. Anyway, this came to an end, and I was back in my cell. At times the thought entered my mind that I could have been ‘disappeared’ without anyone knowing about it, but there was nothing I could have done.
Reading and studying the Holy Quran was truly gratifying, giving me peace of mind. In Delhi I was provided a copy of the Holy Quran and its Urdu translation. I believe the Taj company had arranged for their provision for all of us. My thanks and gratitude to them. I read and studied the Quran assiduously, building on my earlier reading of an English translation ‘The Meaning of the Glorious Quran’ by Muhammad Marmaduke Pickthall, gifted to me by my father. Also made available were
Maudidi’s voluminous Tafheem ul Quran and Kalam Azad’s Tarjuman ul Quran which I also read as best as I could. My ability to read Urdu increased considerably.
Our surreptitious conversations, even without the confiscated mirrors, confirmed to us that we needed to write letters to our friends, relatives, and others abroad informing them of our predicament and requesting them to share these letters with Pakistan embassies in their countries so that the authorities in Pakistan could be informed about our status and do something about getting us back to normal camps. We cultivated an Indian Havildar by providing him cigarettes and other such inducements that we were allowed to procure using our monthly coupons, requesting him to provide us international airmail letters, and to post these, once we had written them, through the normal postal service. These letters addressed to individuals in foreign countries were able to bypass Indian censors.
I also would, in some of my quota of 6 letters/cards provided by International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), address correspondence to my father and mention in the salutations, Aparch Ghatanin – meaning read backwards in the Burushaski language – and then indicate where we were located. It was simplistic but did work as I saw for myself when I got back home and read these letters in Gilgit.
These measures were meant to get the information across to GHQ about our situation.
I think it was towards end of June 1972 that all of us, except for a few - notable among them Major Zahidul Islam - held in Tihar Central Jail were taken out and transported to Agra by train. This was because of the Simla summit planned for early July 1972
Story 8: Agra and Delhi, July – December 1972
When we arrived in Agra, on a sweltering hot afternoon, we were stuffed into the windowless metal box on a truck and the metallic door clanged shut. We were literally gasping for air in the suffocating heat. I think we were in this hellish chamber for 20 odd minutes, but it seemed interminable and unending. Finally, we were put into a couple of other trucks and driven to a Mughal era jail in Agra.
The compound that we were put in had huge walls on three sides and a row of ancient cells on the fourth side. We could see the skies and what was different from Delhi was that we were not locked up in individual cells.
Food was served at regular times and there was an improvement in flavour and quantity. Near the entrance to the block was a single water tap with a mind of its own. We were unable to determine when and what amount of water would be provided. This meant that we would put our individual ‘lotas’ in a line and try to fill these up whenever water did appear in dribs and drabs from the tap. We learned to make optimal use of the available water. I became an expert at taking a complete bath using just one lota of water!
Unlike Gaya camp, there was no possibility of having a deep trench community latrine with hessian cloth separating individual stalls. In Gaya we would use these in darkness and would make a slight coughing sound to warn individuals that the stall was occupied! In Agra the last cell was designated as the latrine. Even now the feeling of revulsion wells up when the thought of that latrine comes up. Scum, splatter was all over the place. It was extremely distressing to use the latrine cell. We would take two bricks to put our feet on and balance ourselves and relieve ourselves as quickly as possible.
Major Iftikhar Punjab who knew French offered to teach the language. Some of us were eager students and learned the basics of the language. I had picked up a few words, but then having stayed barely a month in Agra and before I could really get the hang of French, I was told one morning to pack my meagre belongings and be ready to be transported elsewhere.
I have never experienced such an impressive escort; I was transported by train in a second-class compartment reserved for me and my military escort from Agra, back to Delhi. This was probably sometime in August 1972 – the exact days and month are a little fuzzy, as these things happened almost 50 years ago and not having kept a diary of any sort, all I am banking on is my memory – sometime after the Simla Summit, held between Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. My military escort was from the elite parachute brigade (the 114 Para Brigade if my recollection is right) of the Indian Army stationed at Agra. There was a section (ten men) of India’s finest, fully armed soldiers, taking me from the old Mughal era Agra jail back to the rather infamous Tihar Central Jail in Delhi. A barbed wire roll divided the train compartment, with the paratrooper section on one side, and I in my uniform with my green Punjab regiment beret, and my hands and feet fully shackled, on the other side.
I may be imagining this, but I think I did catch a glimpse of the Taj Mahal on this train journey!
The affable Major Shukla and his military police (MP) received me once again at Delhi railway station, which in comparison to the New Delhi station, was definitely of a lower standard.
At Tihar Central Jail, there was a welcome change. Rather than being shut in an individual cell. I was put into a larger group cell which could probably accommodate 15 inmates or more and had decent washrooms. I had company as well, in this community cell. N/Sub Yasin who was a platoon commander of C company and had been awarded the Sitar-e-Jurat for the Kushtia battle, and Havildar Bashir, an army colour hockey player and platoon havildar with Yasin, shared the group cell with me.
We decided to spread out and make the maximum use of the space in this cell.
And then the day arrived in early December 1972, when I had a most unexpected visitor. I was dressed up in an Indian army issue olive green winter angora shirt and khaki trousers. A guard opened the barred iron door of the group cell and in walked Major General I. S. Gill of the Indian Army. He was fair, handsome and his eyes were a greyish/green. Thanks to the wonders of Google, I know more about him now – his father was a Sikh and
his mother from England.
This is the only time I have met a serving
Director General Military Operations (DGMO)
ever!
He asked me to sit down and sat down opposite
me across a table. Just the two of us. What he
said was interesting. In a recent meeting between
the Indian and Pakistani army chiefs, General Manekshaw and General Tikka Khan, to resolve the Thako Chak dispute, the issue of holding of
Major General I.S. Gill in a meeting between India – Pakistan army chiefs on delimitation in 1972
military personnel in Tihar Central Jail and of their mistreatment was raised. I suppose our letters posted by Havildar Sharma to addresses outside of Pakistan had made their way and rea ched GHQ. General Gill said he did not know that we were being kept here and that his intelligence counterpart had not informed him that there were Pakistan soldiers in Tihar.
Before leaving he assured me that I would be out within a week.
True to his word, it was not long after, possibly five days after our meeting, that I was on a train to Roorkee. This time the escort was unimpressive, a havildar and two other soldiers.
My days of travelling in India were coming to an end. I was to stay in Roorkee till early October 1973.
Roorkee is at a slightly higher elevation and, I believe, a base for Engineers. The camp there held civilians. A totally different experience compared to Gaya, Delhi and Agra which I hope to cover in Story 9.
Story 9: Roorkee and return to Lahore, December 1972 – October 1973
Members of various administrative departments from former East Pakistan (works, railways, irrigation, roads, and others) and their families, made up the vast majority of the internees in Roorkee camps. There were also some individual officers from the Pakistan Army Medical Corps including a few lady doctors, an officer from the Artillery and Major Walayat from the Engineers, the senior most officer in the camp.
I had two responsibilities in the camp.
The more important one was as ‘Langar’ commander, a designation and duty I put my very best into. It must be noted that civilians were provided only half rations and no meat other than on special occasions such as Eid. I realised very quickly that in order to make the most of the rations and ensure no pilferage, strict control would have to be maintained over rations, cooking and distribution of food. The store keys were kept in my pocket and remained under my pillow when sleeping.
The daily regimen was, getting up very early, opening the store and personally measuring out the tea, milk powder, ghee and atta that was needed for breakfast. With the help of a ‘langri’ these were carried to the ‘langar’ where I worked with the cooks in making breakfast, which consisted of tea and ‘puris’ – (thick, leavened bread, fried in oil). I would assist the cook in filling up a large ‘degh’ to a quarter full and light a fire underneath. We would wrap the tea leaves in a muslin cloth, which would be tied up and attached to a rod, much like a makeshift fishing line, that we would dip repeatedly into the water as it came to a boil, squeezing the muslin bag after each dip. Finally, we would add the milk powder.
The scale of distribution was two puris and a mug of tea for military personnel and one puri and a mug of tea for civilians. I would invariably eat one hot puri in the langar itself while taking part in the cooking. My second puri and the two puris each for the officers would be collected separately by two soldier attendants, who would place these on a dining table in a room designated as our eating place. For distribution to civilians, two young civilians were nominated who would assist in carrying the tea in the degh, and the puris in a container, to the barracks where I would supervise the distribution, and family members would collect breakfast for their families.
For the military men and officers, whereas dal would be collected and put into one main serving dish, when meat was cooked, it would be served in individual plates. The serving would be two/three ‘botis’ and a ‘hadi’ or two. The process was that the mutton would be cut into pieces under my direct supervision and the botis and hadis would be sorted into two piles and carefully counted. Clearly, mutton was prized and there was no way that any of us was willing to share our portion with others, especially civilians.
Maintaining control of rations allowed me to ensure that a sweet such as ‘halwa’ or ‘kheer’ was made and served at least twice a week for all the internees.
A lesson that I have carried back is that storemen should be changed regularly, and a strict accounting of rations will help in providing good meals in units and subunits.
The responsibility of being the Canteen master was interesting in itself as I was able to make a small profit. Individuals would come to me and place their orders for items such as eggs, ghee, cigarettes, tea, milk powder and other such goods. I would write these orders down in a register with a page marked out for each individual/family and take the equivalent amount in coupons for their purchase as I had a price list provided to me by the canteen. Once a week I would take one of the attendants, go to the canteen, and procure these items and make payment in coupons. And then once I was back to my space, individuals would come and collect their orders.
I need to mention that, as a small shopkeeper, I had a handheld weighing scale and small iron weights next to my bed. There was a high demand for ghee and I therefore kept a ghee tin, from which I would sell small quantities. I realised that while I had recovered the full cost of the ghee tin, a small surplus still remained. I had become a bania!
Soon after my arrival in Camp 33 Roorkee, we were relocated to another barracks. This was done I think to spread us out a bit and show how well we were treated as thereafter we got regular visits from ICRC. We also got proper table tennis playing equipment of international standard and cricket gear, which we made good use of. Although this was January 1973, I had the foresight to put my bed under a ceiling fan which came in very useful during summers!
The barracks had, as I recollect, one small and two large halls. We made the smaller hall our officers' dining room. These halls opened into a covered verandah. At the end of the barracks was a bathroom facility with washing spaces and latrine stalls. Also, in our cage was another barracks of similar design where officers’ families and relatives were interned. In order to accommodate these families who ranged from infants to grandparents and also small to very large families, blankets/bed sheets were strung on clotheslines and partitions made so that each family had its own space but little in terms of privacy. The conditions were harsh indeed.
The kitchen or ‘langar’ with its storeroom was separated from the barracks by an open ground where we used to play cricket.
These two barracks and the kitchen formed what was the cage of Camp 33 where I was held.
The dangers of captivity surrounded all of us. We came to know that a young man had been shot and killed by a guard in Camp 34, allegedly for attempting to escape.
I was fully occupied with my twin duties, especially being the langar commander which kept me very busy. It was not long before we were into August. The information that came through radio in late August was that an agreement had been reached for repatriation. There were all sorts of possibilities discussed amongst us of who would be repatriated first, and when would it be the turn of Roorkee. One thought was that the camps closer to Pakistan would be prioritised while another was that the more distant camps would be sent back earlier.
Colonel Harnam Singh the camp commandant visited us a day or two later and informed us that our cage would be moving out first from Roorkee on around 17 October (this is my best recollection of the date although I could be wrong). He turned to me and said, “You bloody man, so you will be on the first train out of Roorkee”. I reacted and said that I was not a bloody man. The thought also
flashed through my mind immediately that Harnam Singh may delay my repatriation or cause some other trouble.
We were the tenth train load to be repatriated. I was designated as the quartermaster for the train that was carrying us from Roorkee to the border. I helped to organise the manifest and the baggage and allotted various compartments on the train. Once we got to the border, the baggage was unloaded and put into a truck. I sat in the front seat and, rather than crossing the border on foot, I drove across it. The relief of being a free man again was overwhelming – we had dreamt and thought about this day of freedom for a very long time indeed.
As soon as I stepped down, an officer came to me and said that there were a number of general officers waiting to greet us. I walked to where the four generals were, smartly saluted them and shook hands with each one of them. Incidentally only 4 officers had been repatriated in that train, with the rest being families. After refreshments I was taken to an Officers Mess in Lahore and provided a room and I suppose two months’ salary.
Captain Nasrullah, my course mate, kindly took me to his room and offered me to take clothes for myself from his wardrobe. Having clothed myself in the best trousers and shirt that Nasrullah had, he drove me to the market to shop for clothes and other basic necessities. The prices shocked me, and I think I only purchased a shirt or two, and a pair of trousers and shoes.
My brother-in-law Major Aijaz Akram arrived the same evening to welcome me back. The next day my eldest brother Timur arrived in Lahore. As we embraced in the lobby of Hotel Pearl Continental Lahore, we had no words to say other than silent tears. What can one say in such circumstances when only one of two brothers comes back.
I was gearing up to meet my parents in Gilgit and that is what I will cover in Story 10 next.
Story 10: Homecoming, October 1973
The debriefing in Lahore lasted two days and then in the afternoon I was finally free to go home.
Timur Beg drove me in my father’s black 1966 Volkswagen Variant hatchback, (the car with its ‘Hunza 51’ red number plate was synonymous with Salar, as he was the sole driver of this car till, he left for East Pakistan), on the GT Road which was undergoing repair. There were a couple of times when I mentioned to Timur that while I had come back safely from India, there seemed to be a great chance that we would not make it to Pindi as the road was under repair and traffic conditions were miserable, and may I add his driving skills were not good.
The next day, 22 October, I put on a three-piece suit that Timur had given me (in fact, Timur had brought a suitcase full of clothes for me of the best quality. Timur was handsome – second only to my father – and known for his style and dress sense and generosity. I did not have to buy clothes for as long as Timur lived) and took a PIA Fokker flight from Pindi to Gilgit.
It had been a year and eleven months to the day that I had left Gilgit in 1971.
Trepidation gnawed at my heart. How does one meet one's parents when their elder son is not returning home? While I looked forward to meeting my parents again, the anguish of the one absent was ever present. I would not wish for such a circumstance for anyone.
Salar - we called him ‘Lal’ - was the apple of my mother's eye. He was by far her favourite amongst her 6 children. And we all knew it. Lal was special. A jewel, the most precious gem, for all of us. For those who knew him in school, college or the army, a remarkable person, strong, chivalrous, full of natural grace, athletically built, self-effacing, with a heart of gold and a magnetism that drew everyone to him. He never complained, was cheerful and always content and beyond helpful. When he had met me last in August 1971, he had come to Pakistan Military Academy Kakul in the black Volkswagen Variant hatchback. Before leaving he asked if I needed anything, and to my answer of yes, a shirt, he took his off and gave it to me and drove away in his vest.
Remarkable he was. One day Lal decided to cycle all the way from Peshawar where we were studying at PAF College to Cherat on a normal Sohrab cycle and did so with ease. When father was building a house in Gilgit, Salar drove the tractor, hauling lime from far and wide and revelling in the task.
The Fokker came to a halt at Gilgit airport and as the door opened Timur asked me to disembark first.
As I stepped out onto the stairs that had been trundled up to the aircraft, I saw my joyous, beaming mother with her arms outstretched. She was the first person next to the stairs and behind her a gathering of relatives and Jutialis all welcoming me. At a slight distance, my father, wearing a hat as was his wont, smoking a cigarette, awaited me with stoicism and calm. I ran into my mother’s arms, embraced long and hard and then wanted to rush straight to my father, but had to meet all those gathered before I could reach him.
My parents did not see Timur at the airport as he followed me down the aircraft steps – their eyes were only for me.
I sat in the leading jeep with my mother in the front seat, and her protective arm around me. We had travelled about halfway to our home up in Jutial when I could no longer hold back my emotions and said sorry that Salar did not make it back and here I am without him. My great mother consoled me, hugged me and said she was grateful to Allah for making her the proud mother of a shaheed and allowing her to welcome one son back alive.
July 1971, Salar standing
in front of the still
incomplete home named
‘Amn-e-Yal’ my parents
were building in Jutial
Gilgit.
This was the last time he
met his parents and
younger siblings. He
came to PMA and met
me in August. Salar was
posted to 3 Independent
Armoured Squadron in
early September and
went to East Pakistan in
October.
My mother had trudged to all the astanas in Hunza and Nagar, including Babaghundi, which is exceedingly difficult to reach, praying for the safety and security of Salar, me, her younger brother the intrepid Major Hadi Hussain (2 FF/ 24 FF in East Pakistan) and his brave brother-in-law Lieutenant Zafar Jang who were caught up in East Pakistan – they were among the last to be repatriated in April 74.
I was finally back home in Amn-e-Yal (shelter or shade of peace), the modest house my parents had built in Jutial, Gilgit.
CONCLUSION
There is no better way to conclude this series of stories that I set out to write on 22November 2021, than by reproducing extracts from what my father wrote. My father had written ‘Introduction to the Northern Areas of Pakistan’ a book that he completed in October 1974, and I had occasion to read it many years later.
‘Your thoughts concern the skilled, the artist, the intellectual, the philosopher, the priest, Mine speaks of the loving and affectionate, the sincere, the honest, the forthright, The kindly and the martyr’
Khalil Gibran.
TO THE MEMORY OF MY YOUTHFUL SON, LIEUTENANT SALAR BEG (ARMOURED CORPS) WHO FELL FIGHTING GALLANTLY IN THE SERVICE OF PAKISTAN AGAINST THE INDIAN AGGRESSION IN FORMER EAST PAKISTAN ON THE MORNING OF 15 DECEMBER 1971.
‘We are all Allah’s and will return to Him’
Holy Quran
“Lieutenant Salar Beg had fought his last battle against a fresh Indian tank squadron with only two surviving but crippled tanks of his own. He had been gallantly directing forces from his own tank already aflame, standing in his seat with uncovered cupola, when he sank down after receiving a direct bullet in his chest on the morning of 15th December 1971.”
“For Salman’s audacity and tenacity, he later, as a prisoner of war, received 3 months’ solitary confinement in Delhi and Agra during his nearly two years captivity in India. That could not break his spirit. For on his repatriation towards the end of October 1973 as he came out of the aircraft at the Gilgit airport, one could see the light of Bhagwat Gita radiating forth from his hollow and sunken eyes, and an emaciated tall and thin figure, looking very much, the embodiment of Ramayana’s hero, or the very incarnation of Siddharta himself, smiling and forgiving, a real image of nobility amidst all the human sufferings.”
The words of an affectionate and learned father say it all.
May Allah in his beneficence and mercy encompass us. Ameen
ELEVEN: 18 PUNJAB GOLDEN JUBILEE
I was fortunate to command 18 Punjab 31 years after my father commanded the unit.
We celebrated our Golden Jubilee in Kharian in 1991 by holding a Trooping of the Colour parade. We were honoured to have the COAS General Asif Nawaz grace the occasion as the Chief Guest.
My mother Umme
Alia Begum in
conversation with
the COAS General
Asif Nawaz. The
Corps Commander
Lieutenant
General Zulfiqar
Akhtar Naz and
GOC 17 Division
Major General
Naseer Akhtar
looking on.
Desert Hawks
Colonel of the
Battalion
Brigadier
Muhammad
Hayat presenting
the Golden
Jubilee
commemorative
shield to the
COAS General
Asif Nawaz.
I am in the
middle.
TWELVE: A1 PLATOON and 47 LONG COURSE GOLDEN JUBILEE Photograph taken on the eve of commissioning 10 November 1971
Top Row L to R: Athar Mir, Feroz Hassan Khan, Aurangzeb, Hameedullah Afridi, Taneem Iqbal, Mustafiz ur Rehman, Shahid ul Islam, Asif Latif.
Middle Row: Umar Farooq Rashid Qureshi, Aftab Lodhi, Wahid Jan, Qazi Shahraz, Athar Mubarik, Khalid Hakeem, Masood Aslam, Hamid Khan.
Sitting: Parvez Iqbal Malik, Salman Beg, Abdullah bin Yatem, Platoon Commander Major Saeed uz Zafar, Bahauddin bin Abbas, PTI Havildar Akhtar, Raza Khan
We were the Gang of Four in PMA.
Standing L to R: Umar Farooq joined 43 Baluch and saw action
in Fatehpur enclave in 71. Volunteered for special operations
and was seriously wounded in 1976 in Balochistan. Retired as a
major in 1993. Runs his own enterprise.
Me in the middle. After retiring in 1995 as a Lieutenant Colonel
graduated class of 97 with an MBA from Lahore University of
Management Sciences (LUMS). Worked in development field as
CEO Aga Khan Cultural Service Pakistan for 22 years.
Athar Mir joined 32 Baluch in East Pakistan. PW in Camp 25
Ramgarh. Left the army soon after repatriation. Died in 2006.
Sitting: Parvez Iqbal Malik. My classmate from PAF College
Peshawar Joined 14 Field {Abbasia}. Took release in 1979 and
moved to the USA. Currently lives in Bahria with his cats.
A1 Platoon at the Golden Jubilee, L to R: Author, Colonel Wahid Jan, Lieutenant Generals Raza Khan, Saeed uz Zafar (Platoon Commander), Masood Aslam, Hamid Khan, Colonel Hameedullah Afridi
Me with my wife Shahnaz Bano Shigri at the 47 PMA Golden Jubilee celebrations held in November 2021 in Rawalpindi.
My father-in-law Col Hamid Hussain Shigri (1st PMA) was renowned for his football and golf prowess. He was deputy commandant East Bengal Regimental Centre, Chittagong in March 1971. He and his family miraculously survived the pogrom of West Pakistanis.
THIRTEEN: PW CAMP 46 FAIZABAD
From the collection of Lieutenant General Hamid Rab Nawaz9 who was then a 2nd Lieutenant and had joined 38 FF in East Pakistan on commissioning from 46 PMA L/C. These photos were given to him by Captain M. H. Ansari, ADC to GOC 9 Division. The photos were taken after the camera belonging to Captain Ansari was given back to him when repatriation was announced, with the original roll still in it.
Beds and belongings of officers were brought out once weekly and on surprise checks of the barracks. It was also an occasion to allow for the sunshine and airing of inmates’ belongings.
Officers from Room #5. Officers cage in Camp 46 had 3 barracks with 3 rooms in each. A total of 7 rooms housed the officers and one each for the staff and stores.
L to R, standing: Lieutenants Nasir Engineers, Fazal ASC.
Sitting: 2nd Lieutenant Hamid Rab Nawaz FF, Majors Rahim Ordnance, Dr Chohan AMC, Amjad Ordnance, Ikram Artillery, Captain Saifi Engineers
L to R, standing: Captains Sharif PR, Aman Artillery, Lieutenant Baksh PR, Captains Wasim Ordnance, Javed Bashir BR, Hamid PR
Middle: Lieutenants SH Shah PN, Akmal PR, Major Younis PR, Lieutenant Bahawal PR, Majors Tafsir ASC, Saifi PR, Captain Ilyas PR
Sitting: 2Lt Salahuddin BR, Captain Akram BR
9 Texts by Lieutenant General Hamid Rab Nawaz.
Looking out of the barracks
towards the sports ground and beyond. The pole in centre
carries a light. In the middle distance are the heaving
beams. Further is the fence, and the camp of the guard unit with the guard tower also
visible. Track running at bottom is the walking path used for walking and running in the
evenings.
Another view of the
camp with the men’s
washing laid out in
the sun to dry.
The ADCs.
Our camp had most of the
ADCs of the formation
commands.
L-R. Lieutenant Sajjad Shah, PN aide to COMEAST Admiral
Sharif.
Captains MH Ansari aide to
GOC 9 Division, Arif aide to
GOC 14 Division, Ahmed Nawaz aide to Commander Eastern Command.
Close up of beds laid out during inspection days. Beds were standard army issue steel frame with lattice strips and mattress; the wooden sticks are for the mosquito nets. All belongings were brought out and laid out on the beds. In the verandah are visible the ever present and useful ‘balti-lota’!
Photos taken from the
Officers cage looking
towards the Other
Ranks’ cage. This
would be early evening and the usual games
and activity period for
the men. The wire
fence contained a path which was patrolled by the guards.
Top: View from the living barracks window looking across the sports and activity field towards the bathrooms and shower stalls. The toilets were located some distance away. The sports ground was used for cricket, football, volleyball, ring toss and game called ‘body’. Teams were organized and hard fought matches played, especially football, which we had to play even in the scorching summers in the afternoons as the others wanted the ground vacated for the multiple games!
Bottom: View from the toilet area looking towards two of the barracks housing officers.
About the Author
Salman Beg. third son of Brigadier Sherullah Beg (18 Punjab, commanded SSG before retiring in May 1971) and Umme Alia Begum. After completing his intermediate level from PAF College Peshawar joined 47 Long Course at Pakistan Military Academy (PMA) Kakul on 12 November 1970.
Commissioned on 13 November 1971 (the course was shortened by a year due
to the prevailing situation) he opted to join 18 Punjab, then in East Pakistan,
which his father had commanded in 1958-59. Took part in combat as company
officer C Company in the Kushtia encounter battle on 9 December 1971. In
this action Indians lost over a 100 killed, including 6 officers, 6 tanks (3 in
operating condition) and 13 prisoners of war. 22 Rajput was decimated. C
Company 18 Punjab suffered two killed and two wounded.
After repatriation Salman was posted to 2 Punjab in January 1974 then back to 18 Punjab in April 1975 when it was re-raised in Okara. A year later was selected for the TOW ATGM course and shortly after completing the course posted as an instructor to the School of Infantry and Tactics Quetta. He has to his credit the first ever firing of the TOW missile in Pakistan which was a successful hit on a moving target at Samungli, Quetta. Posted after the instructional stint in 1979 to 2 ATGM (later 38 AK) company which was transitioning into a battalion, he was selected to lead the Anti-Tank Guided Missile (ATGM) component of the Armoured Brigade Nucleus Instructors Group in Tabuk, Saudi Arabia in 1981.
In 1984 attended Staff Course Quetta and was posted as Brigade Major of the operationally deployed 6 AK Brigade in Bagh. Subsequently attended US Army Command and Staff Course Fort Leavenworth 1986-87. Posted back to 18 Punjab, he led a contingent of 150 soldiers in the stressful and challenging battlefield environment on Baltoro glacier from January through April 1988. Six of his subordinates won military awards.
On promotion in 1988 served on the Faculty as Instructor at Command & Staff College Quetta for two years then given command of 18 Punjab in Kharian. The unit celebrated its Golden Jubilee in 1991 with the COAS General Asif Nawaz honouring the unit with his presence at the Trooping of the Colour Parade.
Salman completed the task assigned to him as the lead author for writing the capstone manual on ‘Bridgehead Operations’. Served in Military Training (MT) Directorate from 1993 onwards where among other accomplishments helped to organise UN Peacekeeping Operations seminar and carried out a comprehensive review of the Manual of Qualifications before he took retirement in 1995.
Graduated from Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS), Pakistan’s preeminent business school in MBA class of 1997. Took up teaching, his first love at Bahria University and Islamic International University for almost a year. In October 1998, following in the footsteps of his father who was the first development commissioner in Gilgit-Baltistan entered the field of development. He was appointed as CEO of the Aga Khan Cultural Service – Pakistan (AKCS-P), the operating arm of the Aga Khan Trust for Culture (AKTC) headquartered in Geneva, cultural agency of the Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN).
During his tenure AKTC expanded into Baltistan, Gilgit and Chitral while continuing to implement and deliver in Hunza, where the notable anchor-point projects of the fort-palaces of Shigar, Khaplu and Altit were restored, and rehabilitation of several traditional villages carried out. In 2007, he facilitated the Trust’s partnership with the Government of Punjab in the Walled City of Lahore and 2012 onwards oversaw the conservation and restoration work of the Shahi Hammam, Wazir Khan Mosque and Lahore Fort’s Picture Wall, Royal Kitchen and Summer Palace. He stepped down from AKTC in March 2021 after 22 plus years.
AKCS-P projects have won several awards for conservation, poverty reduction and tourism including UNESCO (14 consecutive awards since 2002), British Airways Tourism for Tomorrow, Virgin Responsible Tourism and Pacific Asia Tourism Association (PATA).
In his years of leadership in AKCS-P, Salman pioneered new pathways to rural and urban responsible development. These projects have brought heritage and tourism to the centre stage in Pakistan as exemplars in cultural heritage restoration and re-use, responsible tourism, women empowerment, built environment and ecologically sustainable green engagements. Policy makers, heritage experts and the public at large view these as models and reference points demonstrating the significance of leveraging the unique transformative power of Pakistan’s immensely rich natural and cultural heritage in harmony with local settings and traditions as assets to improve quality of life for communities.
He brought together local communities, international expertise, provincial and federal government and donors while building indigenous capacity and skillsets thus providing the necessary critical mass to enable heritage preservation and its management to succeed at a higher level, scope and magnitude.
Tangible impacts include employment creation, and revival and skills improvements with a focus on women allowing for raising incomes leading to a sustained and continual flow of material benefits. In 2019 the restored forts of Baltit, Shigar, Altit and the Khaplu palace and various social enterprises earned revenues of over $1.25 million with all profits re-invested for development locally.
The larger impact is in terms of safeguarding the natural and built environment, revitalising and reviving identity, self-confidence, well-being and most of all providing hope for a better future particularly for the marginalised.
